Femi Macaulay – The Nation Nigeria

In the country’s fight against corruption, anti-corruption fighters should be prepared to experience corrupt politics as well as the politics of corruption. It may well be that the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu, underestimated the antagonism he was likely to experience from pro-corruption forces when he was appointed to antagonise them

By now, however, Magu must be more enlightened about how far the friends of corruption are ready to go to protect their relationship with corruption. His improved understanding was clear enough from a November 3 statement released by the anti-graft agency’s spokesman who spoke on Magu’s behalf, alleging plots to damage Magu’s image. The statement declared: “The plots are already manifesting in clandestine campaigns of misinformation in the social media intended to impugn his integrity and pit him against certain interests both within and outside of government.”

In addition, the statement observed: “In the last week or so, the social media has been awash with fictitious reports, all painting an uncanny picture of desperation by Magu over his purported non-confirmation as substantive chair of the EFCC, and of stricture within the rank and file of the EFCC workforce leading to resignations.”

No doubt, there is a problematic situation concerning the Senate’s puzzling delay in concretising Magu’s appointment, following a July letter from the Presidency seeking that Magu be screened “expeditiously” towards his confirmation as substantive chairman of the EFCC. Magu became acting chair of the EFCC on November 9, 2015, and his acting status over a year later is certainly a cause for concern, considering his applaudable performance in the anti-corruption fight. It would appear that pro-corruption forces are fighting to prevent further applause for Magu.

It is curious and thought-provoking that the attention-grabbing statement also said: “The EFCC wishes to put it on record that Mr. Magu does not bully anyone, and has not embarked on any mission aimed at blackmailing ‘some highly placed personalities in the country such as Emirs, President Muhammadu Buhari’s appointees’ or any other individual, lowly or highly placed in the society.” The intriguing statement quoted Magu as saying: “I came to this job with an open mind to do my best for my country. My actions are dictated by my professional instinct and the love for my country. It is not personal and I have no issues with anybody.”

Interestingly, Magu seems not to get the point by saying he has “no issues with anybody.” The point is that there are people that have issues with him and his anti-corruption involvement. These people have minds that are closed to an open mind and don’t care about doing the best they can for their country for love of country.

Two months after he became acting EFCC chairman, Magu on January 20 described corruption as “deliberate and calculated wickedness” against the country’s existence, meaning against the people, during a visit to the headquarters of The Nation in Lagos.

“The impunity is too much,” he declared. Then he painted a picture of personal pain. He said:”Sometimes I shed tears in the morning before I go to the office. It is just unbelievable; the rot is terrible.” When the arrowhead of the anti-corruption agency is overwhelmed to the point of tears by the sheer scale of confirmable corruption, it is a telling statement about the place of conscience in the anti-corruption war. The fight against corruption is ultimately a fight for conscience.

It is a corroboration of the conscience dimension of the anti-corruption battle that Magu said: ‘We need to let people know that corruption is bad because some people don’t seem to know.” He continued: “What I am saying is that people who know they have stolen our commonwealth should bring it back…They have taken our money and are bold enough to say they are not going to return it. The money belongs to the people; they should return the money quietly; let there be voluntary compliance. Let them voluntarily come out to say ‘this is what I have stolen’ and the government will take it. I think that is the best thing to do.”

Thanks largely to the efforts of the EFCC, the Federal Government in June publicised a list of recovered corruption-related money. Also given credit for the recovery of the ill-gotten wealth were the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Department of State Services. A statement by the Minister of Information, Culture and Tourism, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, said that the loot was recovered between May 29, 2015 and May 25, 2016.

The breakdown of the recovered money: N78, 325,354,631.82; $185,119,584.61; £3,508,355.46 and €11, 250. Based on the official exchange rate of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) at the time, the money amounted to N115, 792,760,499. The Muhammadu Buhari administration also disclosed that cash and assets worth over N1.9tn had been seized separately, but that these were under legal contention. The assets and cash seized under interim forfeiture totalled: $9bn, N126bn, £2.4m and €303,399. Based on the CBN exchange rate at the time, this totalled N1, 918,113,864,063. According to the government, “Recoveries under Interim Forfeiture (cash and assets) during the period totalled: N126, 563,481,095.43; $9,090,243,920.15; £2,484,447.55 and €303,399.17.”

It is in the country’s interest that, as much as possible, its looted resources are urgently recovered for its benefit. This is why the anti-corruption fight should be treated as a national project, with all hands on deck. This is why Magu, who has been a conscientious fighter in this critical confrontation between anti-corruption forces and pro-corruption forces, deserves to be backed by the full force of law, meaning that he should be confirmed for the official four-year tenure of the EFCC chairmanship without further delay.

The EFCC is an important factor in the anti-corruption fight, and Magu has demonstrated a desirable capability that only unpatriotic and uneasy compatriots will ignore. It does the Senate no honour to dishonour Magu’s work so far by failure to act promptly and decisively in a matter that concerns the country’s redemption.

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Can murder happen without a murderer or murderers? This is the question that must be answered by the Kano State justice system concerning the murder of 74-year-old Mrs. Bridget Agbahime, a Christian of Igbo origin, in a Kano market in June following an accusation that she had been blasphemous. Her accusers had decided that she deserved to be killed for her alleged sin, and they wasted no time in actualising the deadly punishment.

What happened, and how did the woman die? Perhaps the question should be rephrased more precisely: How was the woman murdered? Thanks to a published interview on November 13, disturbing details of the murder that happened on June 2 were provided by the victim’s husband, Pastor Mike Agbahime, who is still crying for justice. He recounted: “On the day my wife was murdered, a call came from one of our church members (who also has a shop in the market) while I was waiting for my wife to leave the shop so that we could go to the church. He told me on phone that some Hausa people were making trouble with my wife…It was then that I quickly packed my wares to go and find out the problem. As this was going on, I met the same man who was with my wife at the market. He said, “Daddy, don’t worry, they have left her (my wife).”

He continued: “Later, my wife appeared. She told me that it was the same Dauda that did ablutions in the front of her shop. She said that she told Dauda, “Why won’t you allow me to finish packing before you start pouring your water for ablutions in my shop? After telling Dauda this, she told me that he held her hand and asked her, “Mekai fatah?” This phrase means “What did you just say?” My wife asked him, “What right do you have to hold my hand?” She asked him to leave her hand. She stated that if he did not leave her, that she would use one of the plastic products in the shop to break his head. Immediately Dauda left her, he started shouting “Allahu Akbar.”

Pastor Agbahime’s eyewitness account deserves to be highlighted for a clarifying picture of the murder. He went on: “I then told my wife that since Dauda had started his trouble again, that we should go and see Alhaji Mustapha, the owner of the shop. Alhaji Mustapha ushered us in. He (Mustapha) told us to go and come back on Saturday, June 4, 2016, so as to speak with Dauda and settle the disagreement. His office was upstairs. But as we were leaving through the staircase, we saw a teeming mob with weapons. Alhaji Mustapha tried to disperse them. He told them in Hausa that he would resolve the matter the next Saturday. They started abusing him, throwing stones at him. They called him kafir, meaning somebody who does not know Allah. When Mustapha saw that the mob was getting more aggressive, he opened his office, told us to go in and locked it. When they saw that Alhaji Mustapha had let us in and locked his office, they continued shouting Allahu Akbar. As they were shouting, many others joined them. It is painful to tell you that Alhaji Mustapha, seeing how aggressive they were, slumped. But before he slumped, he had called the police. The Divisional Police Officer of the area came in with two other policemen. The three could not calm the angry mob. The mob climbed up in their numbers, broke the window, and jumped in.”

What followed was straight from hell. Pastor Agbahime painted a picture of incredible evil: “We were praying to God to save the situation. When they later entered the office where we were hiding, they hit my wife on the head with very heavy iron objects and she immediately slumped and died. Having completed their mission, they all went back. They did not touch me.”

At this point, it was expected that lawlessness would be lawfully reversed. It is curious that the Kano State Ministry of Justice ordered the release of five murder suspects standing trial for allegedly killing Mrs. Bridget Agbahime. The alleged killers, Dauda Ahmed, Abdulmumeen Mustafa, Zubairu Abubakar, Abdullahi Abubakar and Musa Abdullahi, had been arraigned before a chief magistrate’s court on a four-count charge. A report said: “The charge sheet also noted that one Salawihu, Ibrahim, Dini, Isiaku, Mallam Sani, Sufiyanu, Yunusa and Mallam Umar, all at large, were part of the mob that carried out the dastardly act.”

The trial took a strange turn and was terminated following the advice of the office of the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP), Kano State Ministry of Justice. The state prosecution counsel, Rabiu Yusuf, who informed the court that the state was withdrawing the matter, was quoted as saying: “We received the case diary from the police on June 8, and having gone through it, the attorney- general of Kano State evaluated the facts in accordance with sections 130 and 150 of the criminal procedure code. The legal advice presented to the court, dated June 24, states that there is no case to answer, as the suspects are all innocent and orders the court to discharge all the accused persons.”

It is intriguing that the accused were declared innocent by the DPP’s office when a trial was supposed to establish their innocence or guilt. It is unclear how the claimed innocence of the accused was established by the DPP’s office outside their trial.

Now that the five suspects charged to court have been discharged based on the said legal advice, those suspects said to be at large may also have no case to answer. So the question is: Who will answer for the barbaric murder of Citizen Agbahime? Without question, there was a killing, and there must have been a killer or killers.

Surely, it cannot be enough to simply declare the accused guiltless without further action towards unravelling the identities of those who killed the woman. This is why it is correct that the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) is demanding justice in this matter. Indeed, all persons of conscience should demand that the murderers in this case be apprehended and prosecuted.

Murder, under any pretext, is objectionable and condemnable. Citizen Agbahime’s murder is particularly provocative because it is not an isolated instance. It is noteworthy that CAN observed in a statement: “As it stands today, there is no single prosecution record of any criminal who killed under the pretext of blasphemy in Nigeria despite the number of victims and incontrovertible facts showing that those killings were done in daylight and mostly by persons who live within the communities where these heinous crimes were committed.”

The failure of law enforcement in Mrs. Agbahime’s specific case is inexcusable; it is a regrettable reflection of incapacity to ensure justice.

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It is ironic that what was designed as a medal of honour is attracting dishonour. After two four-year terms in office and an initial applause, former Edo State governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, and his former deputy, Dr. Pius Odubu, are on the receiving end of applaudable boos. At the heart of the matter is an unfeeling move by the Edo State House of Assembly.

News that the state’s lawmakers amended the “2007 Pension Rights of the Governor and Deputy Governor Law” to favour Oshiomhole and Odubu was particularly striking because of its curious complexion. There was only one amendment to the law; but it is an amendment that speaks volumes.

What the amendment meant was enough to trigger a protest that turned bloody as its supporters and its opponents clashed in Benin, the state capital. The amendment opposers who were members of civil society organisations (CSOs) probably underestimated the muscle of the amendment endorsers who were mightily misguided on the issue.

A report said: “Members of the CSOs, who were dressed in black attires, were at the House of Assembly at the Oba Ovonramwen Square to show their displeasure at the amendment.” The protest coordinator, Agho Omobude, described what followed their collision with the pro-amendment group: “About 12 of our members have been injured and rushed to the hospital for treatment while three vehicles were destroyed. We don’t know what would have happened if we had not fled.”

A defiant Omobude was quoted as saying: “No matter the threat to our lives, we would not back down. We are sending a strong message to members of the Assembly and the state government that we would not give up. We shall employ all means to continue the fight and resist the obnoxious policy of government of N200 million and N100 million housing pension to the former governor and his deputy.”

By the amendment, Oshiomhole and Odubu would have new entitlements. A report said the bill with the subhead titled “provision of a house,” provided for “a house in a location of choice in Nigeria of the Governor provided that the total cost of building the house shall not be in excess of 200 million naira while 100 million naira for the deputy governor.”

It is intriguing that those who carried out this amendment feel comfortable with the additional comforts it provides for those concerned. In the face of loud opposition to the amendment, the Speaker of the Edo State House of Assembly, Justin Okonoboh, defended the indefensible. He was quoted as saying: ”Some talked about the amount and I think that was quite moderate because the law says any part of the country. If you want to use 200 million naira in Lagos, it probably might just be a grant to them because they need to add money to build a befitting house in Lagos or wherever.”

It is noteworthy that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) not only rubbished the amendment but also demanded that Governor Godwin Obaseki should “immediately withdraw the bill, and use the funds to clear the backlog of pension arrears spanning between seven and 45 months.”

The beauty of democracy is the separation of powers which makes it possible for Obaseki to reject the amendment and refuse to give gubernatorial assent to it. It is unclear whether the bill had an input from Obaseki, but how he responds to it will show where he stands. It does not make sense to pursue extra comforts for Oshiomhole and Odubu at the expense of the people.

The immediate beneficiaries of the amendment, if it is allowed to stand, are the immediate past governor and the immediate past deputy governor, which suggests that the bill was drafted with them in mind. Although it is expected that there will be other beneficiaries of the amendment, the point that it was probably inspired by a desire to please Oshiomhole and Odubu is something to ponder.

There were other details that were unamended. A report said: “Other benefits to be enjoyed by former governors in the state are, a pension for life at a rate equivalent to 100 percent of his last annual salary in addition to an officer not above salary grade level 12 as Special Assistant, a personal secretary not below grade level 10 who shall be selected by the former governors from the public service of Edo State. Former governors are also entitled to have two cooks, two armed policemen as security, three vehicles to be bought by the State Government and liable to be replaced every five years, three drivers who shall be selected by the former governor and paid by the state government as well as free medical treatment for the governor and his immediate family.”

It continued: “Former deputy governors are entitled to 100 percent of their last annual salary as pension, a personal staff not above salary grade level 12 as Special Assistant, a personal secretary not below grade level 09 who shall be selected by the former deputy governor from the public service of the state, a cook, two policemen as security. Two vehicles bought by the state government and liable to be replaced every five years are to be provided, two drivers who shall be selected by former deputy governors and paid by the state government and free medical treatment for them and their immediate family.”

It may be considered a redeeming feature of the Edo legislative exercise that the other lawful entitlements were unamended. But the considerations that led to the contentious amendment need to be reconsidered. Indeed, it is important to re-examine the thinking that ex-governors and ex- deputy governors are entitled to so much.

This nonsense is not exclusive to Edo State. A report named eight other states where ex-governors are entitled to excessive benefits: Akwa Ibom, Gombe, Sokoto, Lagos, Rivers, Kano, Kwara and Zamfara. There is an entitlement complex on the part of the beneficiaries and there is a complex sense of indebtedness on the part of those who make such benefits possible.

Sooner or later, the excesses and the excuses for them will need to be reviewed in line with the demands of reasonableness rather than unreasonableness.

The post Excesses and excuses appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

A December 11, 2016, performance by LUFODO Productions at the Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos, was gripping enough to hold the attention of Lagos State Governor Akinwunmi Ambode. After seeing a play titled Heart beat The Musical…A New Beginning, Ambode was quoted as saying: “I never believed I could sit down for two hours, I thought I would just pop in briefly and then leave, but this is awesome and fantastic, I thoroughly enjoyed it.”

What glued Ambode to his seat was the power of the performance. When a performance amounts to non-performance, the audience recognises that it has been short-changed. This is because performance and non-performance are not and cannot be the same thing. The governor was impressed by the play written by Toyin Otudeko.

It was a fitting time and place to unveil Ambode’s plan to build theatres where plays like the one he “thoroughly enjoyed” would be performed to appreciative audiences. He said: “The mere fact that I believe strongly in arts, entertainment and sports, everything that is arts, like I said, before the end of next year, we are going to have five new theatres in Lagos. We are already engaging the Terra Kulture and we are speaking to another consultant and the truth is that we want to have the theatres in Badagry, Epe, Ikorodu, Alimosho and on the Mainland. We already have one in Victoria Island. But the truth is that this is where the energy of Lagos is and that is where we should go.”

The governor’s rationale was food for thought: “It’s not so much about physical infrastructure, but 67 per cent of the Lagos population is below the age of 35, so we need to start finding things to keep the younger ones more creative and then open the space for them to be able to just show their talents.”

It is interesting that a year before he became the state’s helmsman, Ambode in May 2014 published a piece in celebration of Lagos State’s 47th anniversary. Ambode said in the piece titled “Happy Anniversary, Lagos State”: “As Lagos turns fifty in the next three years, therefore, the future beckons on whoever would take over the baton in the relay of enduring people-friendly policies to solidify and build on these worthy legacies.” His reference to legacies was a tribute to the governmental accomplishments of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu who governed the state from 1999 to 2007, and Mr. Babatunde Raji Fashola who succeeded Tinubu.

When he spoke about building new theatres, Ambode also said that his administration was looking forward to the climax of the celebration of the state’s 50th anniversary in May, adding that the festivities would be spiced up with several events promoting the arts and entertainment sector. In other words, the Ambode administration is preparing for a mega celebration.

By paying attention to cultural production and consumption, Ambode has shown a holistic approach to governance. It stands to reason that a megacity needs mega governance. The status of Lagos as a megacity is a reason for mega governance. Nigeria’s megacity in 2015 was listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities and credited with an unofficial population figure of “approximately 21 million.” Of course, a megacity has to grapple with mega challenges. Megacity challenges include slums, crime, homelessness, traffic congestion and environmental pollution.

Ambode has responded to megacity challenges with attention-grabbing actions. It is noteworthy that when in November 2015 the Ambode administration donated modern security equipment worth over N4bn to the Nigeria Police Force, President Muhammadu Buhari described the donation as a “remarkable feat.” Buhari urged other state governments to “emulate Lagos State by supporting security agencies that are trying to keep us safe.” Ambode’s exemplary donation was of national significance because security is significant.

Food is significant too. Food is a hierarch in the hierarchy of needs. When in March 2016 the Ambode administration signed a record-setting agriculture-related Memorandum of Understanding with Kebbi State’s Atiku Bagudu administration, it was an exemplary move towards a much-needed agricultural revolution in the country. “This is the first time in the history of Nigeria that two states are collaborating to develop their agricultural potential,” Ambode had declared. The logic of this agricultural partnership and how it will enable national food sufficiency and food security, apart from its employment-generation possibilities, is compelling and commendable.

These two instances should be numbered among the remarkable responses by the Ambode administration to the evolving megalopolis. There is no doubt that the governor’s holistic governance style has touched and continues to touch critical areas in need of gubernatorial intervention. He has proved to be a leader that takes his own words seriously by effectively moving from words to deeds.

“If we take the concept of resource generation, allocation and distribution into cognisance and apply the principles of good governance, we will achieve economic growth and development,” Ambode said while presenting a paper titled “Public Finance: Probity and Accountability” at a workshop organised in August 2014 by the Lagos State Government and the Lagos Business School. Also, in a newspaper interview he shed light on his understanding of good governance, which is an essential aspect of his vision:”In essence, the elected government is like a caretaker for the rest of the people, overseeing their resources on their behalf. The citizens remain the landlord while the elected officials are only caretakers. Arising from this, good government can only thrive where the resources of the people are judiciously distributed to various sectors/needs in the society in a just and equitable manner that makes life easier for every person.”

Ambode’s cultural focus shows that his understanding of “needs in the society” is not narrow and simplistic. When the promised theatres take shape, their presence will mark a cultural reinvention that may well inspire a cultural revolution. Certainly, a megacity deserves thriving cultural centres that will raise the bar for cultural production. The beauty of Ambode’s cultural imagination is the promise of civilisation. It is undeniable that cultural production has a potentially civilising influence. It is this core value that the new theatres are expected to bring to Lagos life.

Ambode has demonstrated that he is no philistine, which is a plus for a modern political administrator. The new theatres are expected to create a fertile ground for a variety of cultural services that will boost the spirit of the megacity. If Lagos is seen as a theatre with Governor Ambode onstage, it is easy to see that this performer is performing and his performance deserves applause.

The post Ambode onstage appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

There is a time to speak and a time to be silent. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo spoke about what was said about him in a 2010 book, it was clear that he considered silence inappropriate.
It is intriguing that his reaction to the contents of the book came after six years, but this in no way weakened the significance of his strongly worded response. It is thought-provoking that the hot aspects of the autobiography were not publicised until now. This may be a reflection of Philistinism, particularly among the country’s media workers who are supposed to be knowledge workers.
Obasanjo said in his statement: “Kabiyesi, I believe that I should set the record straight for posterity and to caution you from engaging in unedifying rumour-mongering and untruth.” His reaction to claims by the Awujale and Paramount Ruler of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, Ogbagba II, was unmistakably loud.
Obasanjo’s response: “The extract from your autobiography, “Awujale: The Autobiography of Alaiyeluwa Oba S. K. Adetona, Ogbagba II”, published by Mosuro Publishers 2010, pp. 187-195, which I attach to this letter was presented to me for my attention. Your assertion in the publication was a tissue of lies and untruths.”
This was a subtle way of calling Oba Adetona a liar. But it may well be that Obasanjo is more deserving of the label. At the centre of the claim and counterclaim is Globacom Chairman Mike Adenuga who Oba Adetona claimed was unfairly treated by Obasanjo because of his relationship with the then Vice President Abubakar Atiku, with whom Obasanjo had a serious conflict.
Oba Adetona said in his autobiography: “The kernel of the matter really, as I told him, was his disagreement with Abubakar Atiku, his deputy, and they had taken the matter almost life-and -death level. Mike Adenuga was a pawn in the crisis…”
Obasanjo’s defence is food for thought: “Kabiyesi, the total sum of what you have put down in those pages of your book is that I dislike Mike. Maybe I need to remind you that if there was any iota of truth in such a position or mindset, Mike would not have been granted the mobile telephone licence which made him a billionaire. It was my prerogative as the President so to do.
He continued: “You may also be reminded that in the first round of the auction which Mike did not make, the country earned $285 million for each licence. The country earned only $200 million from the licence transaction with Mike and in the subsequent transaction with Etisalat, the country earned $400 million. It was a deliberate action on my part that a Nigerian should own one of the licences. Anybody else but Mike could have been that Nigerian.”
On the question of lying, it is interesting that Obasanjo said: “The invitation to Mike to contribute to the building of the Library block of Bells University was issued to him by the then Vice-Chancellor, Professor Julius Okogie, who never told me about inviting Mike to so contribute until Mike pulled out. And that I have not and I will not talk to Mike about it should convince you that I know nothing about its genesis.” It is curious that Obasanjo claimed to know nothing about the invitation to Adenuga to help build a structure in the university he founded.
Oba Adetona’s version: “It was in Ota that he solicited for the construction of the Administration Block of his university, Bells University in Ota. Mike agreed and Carchez Turnkey Projects Ltd handled the project for him… However, the construction project at Bells University slowed considerably while Mike was in exile and a few solicitous calls from Obasanjo to Mike while he was in exile did not change the pace of work. On his return from exile, the school Bells University had the temerity to write to him seeking for a meeting to discuss the continuation of the project. When I got to know, I offered to be in attendance at the meeting and sent word round that I would be in attendance. I had the intention to lambast all of them. They must have sensed it because up till now, the meeting has not been held!”
Also interesting is Obasanjo’s claim that Adenuga approached him, asking to be considered for a national honour. He said: “It is of interest to me that Mike did not tell you that when he wanted national honour, he came to me and I did not react until Babangida recommended him and said, “Of all those I have helped, Mike is one of the most appreciative.” Is this account true? Does this give a reliable insight into how Adenuga was made Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON) in 2012?
How much did Obasanjo achieve while he was President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007? This is how Oba Adetona answered the question in his book: “All the enormous goodwill which Obasanjo carried into office was squandered with a performance that left him with a second term short of tangible achievements. Eight years in office was ample time to put electricity on a very strong footing. Eight years was enough to put down a strong foot against corruption and make a clear difference. Eight years was adequate for orderliness and the rule of law to triumph in every facet of our society. These were the basis upon which I gave him my support for the office. Some new State Governors have shown how much good can be achieved in a shorter time.”
Obasanjo’s answer to that answer: “Kabiyesi, if I have squandered all the goodwill I had, you would not have contacted me on behalf of All Progressives Party, APC, to receive them in 2014 and you would not have been personally present when I received them as I demanded. I probably have greater goodwill today internally and externally than I had in office.”
As things stand, Oba Adetona and Adenuga need to respond publicly to Obasanjo’s sound. This is not a time to be silent; it is a time to speak out.

The post Sound and silence appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

Perhaps only Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, the All Progressives Congress (APC) National Chairman, and those who think like him, understood what he meant when he boasted that the party had succeeded in re-establishing its supremacy, despite the activities of challengers of party primacy. He was quoted as saying: “What is important is that it has finally happened. What is important is that the APC Caucus in the Senate is now a one united body. The APC Caucus in the Senate will now take full charge, full control and full dominance as the governing party and the majority party in the Senate.”

Odigie-Oyegun continued: “What is right is what is right and it is now clear that the authority and the supremacy of the party have finally been recognised, which is a critical ingredient to the smooth-functioning of the apparatus of governance. Today, we can stand up and tell the whole world with full confidence that these things they used to refer to as crises within the APC are now on the way to fully and permanently put behind us. Today, we have a united party, a united Senate, and a Senate that is firmly under the control of the APC.”

Perhaps he was just speaking like a politician, meaning he was playing to the gallery. He spoke when the new leadership of the APC Senate Caucus visited the party’s National Working Committee. The background: Senator Mohammed Ali Ndume of the APC who represents Borno South Senatorial District was removed as Senate Leader and Senator Ahmed Lawan (Yobe North) replaced him in dramatic circumstances on January 10. Ndume’s removal was plotted and perfected by the APC Senate Caucus which communicated the development to Senate President Abubakar Bukola Saraki in a two-paragraph letter entitled “Notice of change of leadership.”

Ndume’s reaction: “This is a parliamentary coup because many of my colleagues said they were not aware of any Caucus meeting. But so be it. God gave me that position and if that is His wish that I should leave, I have left everything to God. Had it been that I was found wanting of any allegation, I will not be surprised. All I know is that God will fight back for me.”

Ndume added: “I did no wrong, except the issue of the confirmation of the Acting EFCC chairman, Mr. Ibrahim Magu, which brought up some issues. There was a disagreement on Magu beginning with my fight with Sen. Dino Melaye. Based on legislative procedure, I said Magu had not been rejected by the Senate. Shortly after that, there were rumours of collection of signatures to remove me. Even at that, we met at the Senate leadership level on Monday; there was no complaint against me. I was not aware that the leadership was not happy with me. There was no allegation against me at all. Certainly, it is a coup.”

When a democratically elected legislator says he lost his leadership position in the legislature as a result of a coup against him, his choice of words deserves attention. When did legislators in a democracy begin to plan and carry out coups?

Certainly, it did not begin with Ndume’s ouster. Indeed, Ndume himself benefited from what may be called a coup when he was installed as Senate Leader in a move that defied the directive of his party’s leadership. A June 23, 2015, letter to Saraki by Odigie-Oyegun had named Lawan for the position of Majority Leader among the “names of principal officers approved by the party” for the 8th Senate. At the time Ndume emerged as Senate Leader contrary to his party’s position, he did not see it as a coup against the party. It is said that what goes around comes around.

It is curious that Odigie-Oyegun interpreted the APC Senate Caucus leadership change simplistically. It is a misinterpretation of reality to suggest that Ndume’s removal means that the APC has achieved party unity and party supremacy.

The reality is that as long as Saraki remains at the helm of the Senate, it does a great disservice to the idea of party supremacy. This is a legislative commander that emerged in an ethically inappropriate manner, and whose emergence was coloured by a colourless subversion of his party’s position. Only a dysfunctional decoding of the concept of party supremacy can accommodate an ascendancy he actualised through an unapologetic defiance of his party’s desire and decision. A functional interpretation of party supremacy must be informed by the logic of supremacy. Supremacy is supreme.

It is noteworthy that the same warped twist resulted in a queer combination and cohabitation at the helm of the Senate. With Saraki of the ruling APC, a party elected to power on the premise of progressivism, and Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu of the unprogressive Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the 8th Senate has a leadership that is ambiguous and confusing. Saraki made matters worse by rubbishing his party’s list for Senate leadership posts, which is how Ndume became Senate Leader in the first place. Additionally, the allegation that Saraki and Ekweremadu benefited from forged Senate rules remains a blot on their positions.

The question is: How can the APC reassert itself and its supremacy in the circumstances? It is clear that Saraki wants his controversial emergence as Senate President to be treated as a fait accompli. As he approaches his second anniversary in the saddle, it looks like he might get away with the disruptive behaviour by which he got the position. If that happens, it would amount to a big disgrace to party supremacy.

To put it directly: Saraki must not be allowed to get away with what may well be described as a coup against his party. APC supremos must save party supremacy, and they must find their own way of doing so. The conflict over party supremacy in the APC is nothing short of a domestic war, and the war cannot end with Ndume’s removal. There is no doubt that Saraki’s matter is a more complicated complication. However, it must not be regarded as a complication beyond correction.

Party supremacy should not be selective, meaning the APC can ill afford to believe it has resolved the burning issue by putting Ndume’s case on the front burner while Saraki’s case remains on the back burner. Restoring party supremacy based on party discipline, party cohesion and party integrity must not be done selectively; it must be done inclusively.

The post Selective supremacy appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

It was a curious meeting of two curious men in curious circumstances. The public is curious about what they talked about and what they didn’t talk about during what was described as “strictly personal talks.”

Curiously enough, the reunion of sorts reportedly lasted 40 minutes, which is enough time to talk about something in particular or nothing in particular.

A report quoted “a top source” as saying: “It is a reunion of Papa and his son. Do not read any meaning into it. The ex-President decided to make it a private visit in order to be able to have frank talks with Obasanjo. During the visit, Obasanjo and Jonathan locked themselves up for 40 minutes. No member of Jonathan’s entourage or Obasanjo’s associates in Ibogun was allowed to be part of the private session. All I can tell you is that the two leaders were able to iron out a few things and Jonathan has since returned to Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.”

When on January 20 former President Goodluck Jonathan paid “a private visit” to former President Olusegun Obasanjo in Ibogun, Ogun State, it was as puzzling as it was illuminating. In the beginning, Obasanjo, in the dying days of his second-term administration in 2007, discovered Jonathan who was at the time seeking a continuation as Governor of Bayelsa State. Jonathan had served as governor for less than two years, following the removal of Diepreye Alaimeyeseigha under whom he was deputy governor for six years.

The picture changed and Jonathan moved to a bigger stage as vice presidential nominee, with Umaru Musa Yar’Adua as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate. Jonathan became Vice President in May 2007, and became President following Yar’ Adua’s death three years after. Jonathan won the 2011 election but was defeated in 2015 when he pursued a second term.

Interestingly, Obasanjo played an ironic role in Jonathan’s electoral loss. The godfather became the chief antagonist in a fiery power struggle that saw Obasanjo dramatically tearing his PDP membership card and publicly campaigning against Jonathan’s campaign for re-election. Indeed, the kingmaker became the king killer.

Against this background, Jonathan’s publicised visit to Obasanjo nearly two years after his electoral failure may well suggest he has had a rethink and he is remorseful. Obasanjo was quoted as saying openly to Jonathan: “I sincerely hope and pray for more such relaxed situation where we can reminisce on situations of the past that we have been through in this country and we can also look at what the future portends.”

This sounded like agenda setting for the closed-door meeting that followed. It is unclear whether their one-on-one conversation covered the critical “situations of the past” that left their relationship critically broken, and how much of the future it covered.

Obasanjo also said: “When leaders come, they have little or no experience. When they have to go is when they have really amassed a lot of experience, where they have wisdom, their experience is in high demand.” This sounds like a subtle criticism of term-limit, replaying his linkage with an unconstitutional third-term ambition that was foiled at an embryonic stage.

Contrary to Obasanjo’s argument, it does not follow that the longer leaders remain in office, the greater their wisdom and experience. Spending a longer time in office could actually result in greater folly.

It is relevant to revisit the recent controversy involving Obasanjo and Oba Sikiru Adetona concerning comments the king made about the former president in his 2010 autobiography. How much did Obasanjo achieve while he was President of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007? This is how Oba Adetona answers the question in his book: “All the enormous goodwill which Obasanjo carried into office was squandered with a performance that left him with a second term short of tangible achievements. Eight years in office was ample time to put electricity on a very strong footing. Eight years was enough to put down a strong foot against corruption and make a clear difference. Eight years was adequate for orderliness and the rule of law to triumph in every facet of our society. These were the basis upon which I gave him my support for the office. Some new State Governors have shown how much good can be achieved in a shorter time.”

Obasanjo’s riposte in a statement that reverberated across the country: “Kabiyesi, if I have squandered all the goodwill I had, you would not have contacted me on behalf of All Progressives Congress, APC, to receive them in 2014 and you would not have been personally present when I received them as I demanded. I probably have greater goodwill today internally and externally than I had in office.”

Talking of goodwill, Jonathan’s visit to Obasanjo in his village does not suggest that he has become irrelevant. Rather, it is a sure sign of Obasanjo’s continuing relevance. Before their closed-door session, Obasanjo’s words to Jonathan demonstrated his sense of self-importance: “I have said to you before and I will say again that there are plenty of opportunities out there, within the country, within West Africa, within Africa and indeed in the larger world where people will want you to make contributions. I believe that you are resting now and when you have fully rested you will be hearing from me because I have this opportunity to be around the world and if I mention your name…”

Call it conceit; Obasanjo’s performance spoke volumes about his sense of self, which is perhaps validated by how other players of the power game regard him. It is worth contemplating how he seems to project inexhaustible political capital, which seems to be recognised by those in the power loop.

But when all is said and done, the country does not need political leaders who are wiser and more experienced after their time in high office. In order to achieve the desired development and progress, the country needs leaders who have sufficient wisdom and experience to make things better while in office. Perhaps Obasanjo unwittingly identified the problem with Nigeria and the problem with Nigeria’s leadership.

The post Forty-minute marvel appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

Surely, it is a sign of the times that Afro-Pop artiste Tuface is set to lead a protest march against hard times and the federal government’s alleged mismanagement of the country’s economic crisis.
A January 31 report said: “In a video on his Facebook account, which racked up more than 21,000 views after just an hour, the singer urged his compatriots to stand up in a “peaceful and articulate manner.” “The need for urgent solutions to the challenges facing Nigerians has become very clear,” Tuface, whose real name is Innocent Ujah Idibia, said in the video. “Things are not getting better for the majority; we are still where we are, poor and desperate. I will no longer be quiet.”
It is interesting that based on this song of bitterness, a sort of protest movement developed leading to a plan to protest on February 6 at the National Stadium, Lagos. “It’s crazy, we didn’t have a clue this would happen,” Efe Omorogbe, Tuface’s manager, reportedly said. “It was very spontaneous, we didn’t plan it.” In other words, the plan was unplanned, meaning that the planners may well have no plan.
Interestingly, after an initial disagreement, the police and the protesters reached an agreement. Lagos State Commissioner of Police Fatai Owoseni said: “We had a meeting with the protesters and we explained to them why we advised against the protest. A pro-government group wants to protest that same day and we don’t want a situation where there would be friction. We also don’t want hooligans to hijack the process and injure the protesters.” He continued: “After explaining to them, they said they will go back and discuss with others. They said if they decide to go ahead, they won’t demonstrate but would assemble at a point and read their demands. That notwithstanding, we have resolved to provide security for them. It is our responsibility and we won’t shy away from it. We will ensure trouble makers do not hijack the process.”
Obviously, this is a developing story, and there will be further developments. At this stage, the publicity has helped to highlight the scale of sourness in the public space concerning the shape of the country’s economy and the need to reshape it. There are many voices complaining about the recession and how the federal government has allegedly lost the plot.
Indeed, there are many critics of the federal government who insist that President Muhammadu Buhari is clueless about how to redeem the rot. It is a simplistic perspective. It has been said that insight is often accompanied by sightlessness. Those who believe and claim that the Buhari administration has failed, or is failing, seem to have lost sight of the reality that the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), cannot be isolated from the administration’s performance.
If Buhari is a failure, it cannot be said that the APC is a success. If Buhari is a success, it cannot be said that the APC is a failure. Correcting the country’s economic crisis is too critical to be left to the Buhari administration without critical input from the ruling party.
The recent intervention by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, an APC leading light, demonstrated the necessity for the party’s involvement in the effort to rescue the country from recession. In a bold and brilliant lecture at the National Defence College (NDC), Abuja, on January 25, Tinubu declared: “We have to criticise ourselves when it is necessary, speak truth to power. We are the power; we will talk the truth to ourselves…The challenge before us is a difficult but not impossible one. If we stick to the progressive beliefs of the APC, we shall overcome these difficulties to place the economy on surer permanent footing.”
Tinubu’s talk, titled “Strategic Leadership: My Political Experiences,” provided nuggets of political and economic wisdom that the Buhari administration would do well to absorb. Tinubu observed: “There cannot be strategic leadership without a conscious objective. Political leadership in Nigeria generally has fallen short in this regard. Leadership has been short-sighted and fixed on narrow, immediate objectives. Because of this, leadership has been more transactional than strategic in nature. It has been more focused on the retention of power and control than on the substantive results and long-term consequences of its policies and actions.” There is a point where presidential teachableness meets party guidance. There is a lot to be gained by the Buhari administration if it develops a teachable spirit.
It is easy to see that the Buhari administration’s concentration on its anti-corruption campaign is helpful to the anti-recession campaign because the recession is not unconnected with political corruption. An alarming report by the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) last year made the point that “corruption brought Nigeria to its knees.” The report covered August 2015 to July 2016. PACAC said: “For example, it is widely believed that insecurity escalated because of the massive embezzlement of $2 billion through the Office of the National Security Adviser under the leadership of Col. Sambo Dasuki, who allegedly diverted the money appropriated to fight insurgency. The problems in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry reached the zenith with multi-billion dollars subsidy scams while President Jonathan looked the other way.”
The most chilling aspect of this report highlights the size of stealing by some people in power during a particular period and how political corruption has so terribly short-changed the country. PACAC was quoted as saying that using World Bank rates, one-third of the N1.3trillion allegedly stolen by only 55 people in seven years could have provided 635.18 kilometres of roads, built 36 ultra-modern hospitals in each state, built and furnished 183 schools, educated 3,974 people from primary to tertiary level (at N25.2 million per child) and built 20,062 units of two-bedroom houses.
If this level of development could have been achieved with just one-third of the allegedly stolen money, how much more could have been achieved if the entire alleged loot was used for the country’s development? Who are these alleged 55 thieves who stole so much from a 2016 estimated population of over 178.5 million? How were they able to steal as much as has been alleged? Why did they need to steal as much as has been alleged? What did they do with the alleged loot?
So, the anti-corruption crusade is crucial. So is the recession resistance. The bottom line is that the Buhari administration and the APC should make things better for Nigerians.

The post Progressives need progress appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

If resilience is elasticity to manage change, then the inclusion of Lagos State in the circle of 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), a project of the U.S.-based Rockefeller Foundation, is a testimony to the administrative adroitness of the Akinwunmi Ambode administration.

As Governor of Lagos State at a historically significant juncture when the state is celebrating its 50th anniversary which will climax in May, Ambode is particularly positioned to manage its colourful complexity. ”Being a part of the network of 100RC comes at a good time when our state is hoping to join the leading city-states of the world. We are open to new ideas, new technology and new methods,” Ambode declared while receiving the 100RC Certificate of Admission at the Renaissance Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos, on February 7. The 100 Resilient Cities include places in Africa, U.S.A., South America, Europe, Asia and Middle East.

A report said: “President of 100 Resilient Cities, Mr. Michael Berkowitz, said out of the over 1,000 applications received and three rounds of selection process, Lagos was chosen for its innovative leadership, infrastructural strides and influential status not just in Africa but in the world.” Indeed, a city’s resilience is driven by its Chief Resilience Manager. In the case of Lagos, Ambode’s gubernatorial role makes him the chief driver.

It is a reflection of Ambode’s administrative innovativeness and infrastructural imagination that the eve of the 100RC ceremony witnessed the inauguration of a 12-member Economic Advisory Committee at the Lagos House, Ikeja. Ambode’s words to the team: “Let me crave your indulgence to present a picture of what we are confronted with. Our 2017 budget earmarked about N500 billion (about US$1.6 billion) as capital spending. Whereas our recent infrastructure needs analysis shows that over $30 billion would be required to achieve the 30 most impactful projects for the state over the next five years. It is evident that government cannot address this from current resources. A key task of this committee is therefore to provide specific advice on the overall finance strategy to bridge the massive infrastructure gap.”

A report provided further elaboration: “Highlighting some of the key functions expected of the Economic Advisory Team, Ambode said they would be expected to bring an independent perspective on economic and business issues with a primary role of offering advice to his administration under the four strategic 2012-2025 Lagos State Development Plan (LSDP) pillars of economic development; infrastructural development; social development and security as well as sustainable development. The governor said whilst the committee is independent and largely constituted by members from the private sector, the need for integration and collaboration to ensure that the views are taken on board necessitated in having three members of the State Executive Council, led by the Commissioner for Finance in the team.” Considering the country’s recession challenges, this move demonstrates Ambode’s resilience consciousness.

On the eve of the 100RC event, Ambode also unveiled his administration’s plan to phase out yellow buses popularly known as Danfo. Hopefully, this is a well-thought-out plan that will reform the city’s public transport system without creating a crisis of reformation. Ambode focused on the challenges of urbanisation at the 14th Annual Lecture of the Centre for Values in Leadership (CVL) held at Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos.

Ambode observed: “The issues lying at the heart of urban policy making in any city, old or new, developed or developing includes infrastructure, employment, population growth, economic sustainability and environmental viability. In addition to these, there are the classic urban challenges of overcrowding, unplanned and chaotic growth, insufficient provision of municipal services, from policing to healthcare to education to electricity and sewage – all of which are top of the agenda in many African cities.”

He continued: “There is perhaps no better classic example of where these challenges of rapid urbanisation come to life than in Lagos. It is estimated that 86 immigrants enter Lagos every hour -the highest in any city in the world – and they have no plans to leave… This ever increasing population of the state however means that we have to be “on our toes” to provide facilities for this more than 23 million population.”

It is noteworthy that Lagos was in 2015 listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities. Evidently, a megacity needs mega governance because it has to grapple with mega challenges. In the light of its status-related difficulties, Lagos also needs mega resilience. Indeed, its recognition as an important resilient city is evidence of the extent of its resilience.

Designed to “help cities around the world become more resilient to the physical, social, and economic challenges that are a growing part of the 21st century,” the 100RC project has its definition of urban resilience, which provides a context for the listing of Lagos: ”Resilience is about surviving and thriving, regardless of the challenge… Urban resilience is the capacity of individuals, communities, institutions, businesses, and systems within a city to survive, adapt, and grow no matter what kinds of chronic stresses and acute shocks they experience.”

For clarification, “chronic stresses” which are said to “weaken the fabric of a city on a day-to-day or cyclical basis,” include “high unemployment, inefficient public transportation systems, endemic violence, and chronic food and water shortages.” Further clarification: ”acute shocks” which are described as “sudden, sharp events that threaten a city,” include “earthquakes, floods, disease outbreaks, and terrorist attacks.”

A list of resilience challenges facing Lagos: Chronic Energy Shortages, Coastal Flooding, Disease Outbreak, Infrastructure Failure, Overpopulation, Overtaxed/ Under Developed/Unreliable Transportation System, Poor Transportation System, Rainfall Flooding, Rising Sea Level and Coastal Erosion.

No doubt, Lagos has its share of “chronic stresses” and “acute shocks”; but it is surviving, and it is thriving. At this point in its evolution, the centrality of a capable resilience manager cannot be overemphasised; and with Ambode at the helm, the signs are that the megalopolis will continue to survive and thrive.

Less than two years in office, Ambode is impressively focused on remodelling Lagos and making it a model megalopolis. It is a reflection of the city’s resilience that the country’s other states cannot resist applauding Ambode’s governance model. Lagos State is working because Ambode is working.

The rhythm of resilience is the rhythm of dynamism; and only the dynamic remain resilient. In the final analysis, the internationally recognised resilience of Lagos is a useful lesson for the rest of the country.

The post Ambode as resilience manager appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

W hen a thankful thanksgiver with a heart full of thanks organises a thanksgiving service, it should be expected that he would give a testimony. Former Delta State Governor James Ibori, who returned to Nigeria after serving time in the United Kingdom for corruption–related crime, gave a curious testimony at the First Baptist Church, Oghara, Delta State, on February 12, prompting reflections on thanksgiving.
When is a thanksgiving service a thanksgiving service, properly so called? Ibori’s testimony was a testimony to the elasticity of the idea of thanksgiving. Ibori said: “Today, I have decided to speak for myself. I am not a thief; I cannot be a thief. Today is the day they say I should give testimony to God. For those who know me, you know that my life is a testimony itself. I have said it over and again that my life is fashioned by God, directed by God, sealed, acknowledged and blessed by God. I believe that since the day I was born. Like the Archbishop said, when this whole commotion started, what was most painful to me was the pain and suffering that my people were going through.”
It is thought-provoking that information on Ibori contradicts his self-promoting twin claim that he is not a thief and cannot be a thief: “Ibori moved to London, England, in the 1980s where he married his wife, Theresa. Ibori worked as a cashier at Wickes DIY store in Ruislip, Middlesex. In 1990, the couple were arrested for theft from the store, and fined £300. In 1991, he was convicted of handling a stolen credit card, and fined £100.”
It is unsurprising Ibori brought God into the picture while giving his testimony; thanksgivers usually bring God into it when they express their thankfulness. But it is startling Ibori mentioned God because he has not demonstrated God consciousness, meaning his words are not enough to show he understands the concept of God and the demands of God consciousness.
Ibori continued: “I drew my strength from God. So, somehow, I knew that God would stand by me. I knew that one day, this day would come. I am indeed very pleased that I can now stand before you and look at your faces, the faces that I have missed, and those of you who have indeed suffered the pains of my absence.”
Ibori also said: “So, when I reflect, it gives me joy that all your prayers, God has answered them… If I am to give testimony of my journey, you will not leave here… The only testimony that I have is the fact that I am back and alive in your midst. And again, I say that I never had any doubt in my mind that I would get back home…I am happy to be home with my people. There is nobody who can battle with the Lord. An Urhobo adage says there is time for everything (okiemute). A day will come when I will tell my story and every one of you will hear me. Today is to thank God.”
The background to Ibori’s thanksgiving is worth presenting in some detail because it definitely doesn’t reflect God consciousness on his part: ”In 2007, the Metropolitan Police raided the London offices of lawyer Bhadresh Gohil. Hidden in a wall behind a fireplace, they found computer hard drives containing details of myriad off-shore companies, run for Ibori by Gohil, fiduciary agent Daniel Benedict McCann, and corporate financier Lambertus De Boer. All of these men were later jailed for a total of 30 years. As a result of these corruption allegations, the United Kingdom courts froze Ibori’s assets there, valued at about £17 million ($35 million), in early August 2007…In an exclusive interview with CNN, Ibori denied allegations against him claiming they were politically motivated.”
More information: “On December 12, 2007, Ibori was arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at the Kwara State Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja. The charges he faced include theft of public funds, abuse of office, and money laundering…On December 17, 2009, A Federal High Court sitting in Asaba, Delta State, discharged and acquitted Ibori of all 170 charges of corruption brought against him by EFCC.”
Further information: “In April 2010… Ibori’s case file was reopened. A new allegation that he embezzled N40 billion ($266 million) was pressed against him…. Ibori fled Nigeria, prompting the EFCC to request the assistance of Interpol. On May 13, 2010, Ibori was arrested in Dubai, United Arab Emirates under Interpol arrest warrants, issued from United Kingdom courts and enacted by the Metropolitan Police…Ibori’s case and extradition became one of the longest, most complex and expensive operations mounted by Scotland Yard in recent years.”
Additional information: “On February 27, 2012, accused of stealing US$250 million from the Nigerian public purse, Ibori pleaded guilty to ten counts of money laundering and conspiracy to defraud at Southwark Crown Court, London. Following the guilty plea entered by Ibori, the EFCC brought before an Appeal Court the six-year-old ruling of a Federal High Court in Asaba which acquitted Ibori in 2009…A three-man panel of justices at the Benin Division of the Court of Appeal on May 15, 2014, ruled that the ex- governor has a case to answer. With this judgment, the coast is clear for Ibori to face further trial in Nigeria…”
This is what followed Ibori’s admission of guilt: “On Tuesday, April 17, 2012, Ibori was sentenced to 13 years in prison by Southwark Crown Court for his crimes. Among possessions confiscated were: A house in Hampstead, north London, for £2.2m; a property in Shaftesbury, Dorset, for £311,000; a £3.2m mansion in Sandton, near Johannesburg, South Africa; a fleet of armoured Range Rovers valued at £600,000; a £120,000 Bentley Continental GT; a Mercedes-Benz Maybach 62 bought for €407,000 cash, which was shipped direct to his mansion in South Africa.”
This is worth mentioning: “After the sentencing hearing, Sue Patten, head of the Crown Prosecution Service central fraud group, said Ibori had acquired his riches “at the expense of some of the poorest people in the world.” Ibori was released from jail in December 2016 after serving four years; he came back to Nigeria on February 4.
It is curious that a man whose conduct as governor was unquestionably ungodly now wants the world to believe that he believes in God. It is a point to ponder whether Ibori has developed God consciousness, beyond his mechanical mention of God at his thanksgiving event.

The post Thanksgiving and thanksgiver appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

There is no information about whistleblowers that have been paid for whistleblowing based on the President Muhammadu Buhari administration’s anti-corruption strategy for the recovery of stolen public funds. But there is news about a whistleblower that turned down the payment due to him because he considered whistleblowing a patriotic responsibility. Other whistleblowers may not be so selfless.

Information by the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, suggests there were other whistleblowers that may have had no qualms about receiving the due payment. He reportedly said the whistleblower policy had led to the recovery of US$151 million and N8billion. His words: “The looted funds, which do not include the $9.2 million in cash allegedly owned by a former Group Managing Director of the NNPC (which was also a dividend of the whistleblower policy), were recovered from just three sources through whistleblowers who gave actionable information to the office of the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation. The biggest amount of $136,676,600.51 was recovered from an account in a commercial bank, where the money was kept under an apparently fake account name, followed by N7billion and $15million from another person and N1billion from yet another.”

The minister presented a picture of the role of the whistleblower in the case of the over $9 million allegedly hidden in an uncompleted house in Kaduna by a former NNPC chief executive: “Somebody gave us the information; we went there and saw the money loaded in fridges and boxes and the owner has admitted that the money belongs to him. He said the money was given to him by friends after he retired and we want those friends to come forward.’’ It is interesting the minister didn’t give information regarding whether the whistleblower in this case got the due payment.

Mohammed observed that the approach was working, considering the harvest within a short period. He said: “Well, the whistleblower policy is barely two months old and Nigerians have started feeling its impact, seeing how a few people squirrelled away public funds…Yet whatever has been recovered so far, including the $9.8million by the EFCC, is just a tip of the iceberg.”

Clearly, Mohammed expects more whistleblowing. Indeed, there may well be more whistleblowing. The question is whether more whistleblowers will follow the example of the one who rejected the payment for whistleblowing.

Mohammed highlighted the case of the perhaps unexpected selfless whistleblower: “I want to put on record that the fellow through whom we recovered N1 billion, in an account, told us he does not want any commission from government because that was his contribution to the country. But, I can assure you that we are not going to renege on our promise of the appropriate commission to anyone who gives us information that leads to recovery of money through this policy. ‘’

This policy, unprecedented in Nigeria’s political history, presents two choices: To blow or not to blow. It may not be as easy as it sounds. Where the whistleblower blows the whistle, it reflects a decision that whistleblowing is what to do in the prevailing circumstances, whether in obedience to a “categorical imperative,” or in obedience to less noble influences. Where there is a deliberate decision not to blow the whistle, it may well be that there is no burden of responsibility, and there is no desperation to make easy money.

Possibly to prompt further public action, Mohammed reiterated the basics of the policy for public consumption: “The whistleblowing policy is a very simple policy through which we encourage Nigerians who have any information about the violation of our rights, commission of a crime, fraud or corruption or any Nigerian who knows where certain money is being held or kept to anonymously contact us. We will protect his or her identity and if the information leads to the recovery of money, he or she will be entitled to 2.5 per cent or 5 per cent of the money recovered. We have three channels of passing the information which could be through dedicated SMS, a portal and an e-mail address and all of them are secured.’’

Against the background of whistleblowing and whistleblowers, it is pertinent to note that information by the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) indicated that about 45 high-profile corruption cases had been taken to court. A report said: “The cases stated in the document exclude the $153m recently forfeited to the Federal Government by Diezani Alison-Madueke; the $9m case involving Andrew Yakubu; the prosecution of a former Director-General of the National Broadcasting Commission, Emeka Mba (N2.8bn); as well as all retired military officials (N40bn).”

Further report: “Some of the high-profile cases stated in the document include an alleged N36bn case involving a former Governor of Jigawa State, Saminu Turaki; a fraud case involving a former Governor of Gombe State, Senator Danjuma Goje (N25bn), and a former Governor of Nasarawa State, Aliyu Doma.”

Additional information: “Other prominent cases listed include the Chairman of Atlantic Energy Brass Development Limited and Atlantic Energy Drilling Concept Limited, Jide Omokore, who is standing trial for an alleged $1.6bn fraud; a former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, Patrick Akpobolokemi, who is standing trial before two different courts for alleged N1.6bn fraud and N754.7bn fraud. The committee also listed the case of the President, NLNG Staff Bonny Co-op Investment and Credit Society Limited, Julius Peters, who is being tried for an alleged N207bn fraud.”

High-profile corruption cases, according to the committee, are cases in which any of the suspects is “a politician, public officer or judicial officer; a person elected or nominated to a public office or position and where the subject matter of the case involves government property or funds.”

How will the corruptly acquired funds recovered from the corrupt be spent? This is a serious question, and it deserves a serious answer. A report quoted “a top government official” as saying: “The National Economic Forum has been meeting and we are looking at the idea of investing the recovered funds on the social intervention programme which will gulp hundreds of billions of naira.” Specifically, the official “said the money would be used in paying the N30, 000 monthly stipends to beneficiaries of the N-Power scheme, the job creation programme of the President Muhammadu Buhari administration; as well as the school feeding programme.”

The point is that there is no point in encouraging whistleblowing and whistleblowers if the harvest will not serve socially useful purposes.

The post To blow or not to blow? appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

This is what happens when death row becomes a place of life. A full-page congratulatory communication published in THISDAY on February 27 was a remarkable reminder that Rev. Chukwuemeka Ezeugo, better known as Rev. King, has not been hanged despite a Supreme Court ruling.
Under the banner, “Congratulations to our Daddy G. O.”, the communication began: “We the entire members of St. Faith Women (The Daughters of the Kingdom of God) heartily rejoice with our lovely Daddy G.O. His Holiness, The Most Honourable Dr. Rev. King, Founder/General Overseer of CPA Church Worldwide on the occasion of his birthday which comes up today, Sunday the 26th day of February 2017.” This happened because King has not been hanged.
The advertisers continued: “Daddy, you are the light of the world. A nation without you is in total darkness. Daddy, you are a wonderful counselor, prince of peace, a great deliverer, our redeemer, a hope for the down-trodden. You have proven to us beyond reasonable doubt that truly salvation belongeth unto the Lord and your blessing is upon your people.” This happened because King has not been hanged.
Things happen when a death row convict is still alive a year after what was supposed to be the final judicial pronouncement on his case. More things were said about King in the advert space: “Widows, widowers, barren, the sorrowful have found joy, freedom, salvation from you. You alone singlehandedly taught us how to live a holy and righteous life. Barren in our midst have conceived and are mothers in their respective homes. You have delivered so many of us from inability to get married. So many of us whom you delivered from mammy-water group, ogbanje group, witches and wizards groups are happy today because we located you. Some of us who were bound with chains, feathers, shackles, handcuffs, spiritual iron belt of Satan, etc. have been freed from our respective prisons where Satan kept us for decades. Today, we are enjoying our freedom.”
Perhaps not unexpectedly, the promoters got more enthusiastic as the promotion progressed. They said: “Era of poverty, suffer-suffer have become a thing of the past in our lives. So many of us you healed from cancers, fallopian tube blockages, moving objects, bleeding, HIV/AIDS, barrenness, fibroid, etc. are blessed to have met with our maker face to face.” This deification of King happened because he has not been hanged.
What followed was straight out of the realm of unreality: “Daddy, it has been proven beyond measure that you are 100% innocent of the conspiracy levelled against you. So many hidden truths have been exposed according to your messages. No amount of gossips, scandals, hatred, can deter us from following you.” This attempted revision of reality happened because King has not been hanged.
How did King become a death row prisoner? King’s trial began at the Lagos High Court in Ikeja on September 26, 2006. The cruel cleric was accused of the murder of a member of his church, Ann Uzoh, and attempted murder of five other members. He was said to have set the deceased and the others ablaze after bathing them with petrol for alleged immoral behaviour.
Uzoh died from her burns on August 2, 2006, 11 days after the savagery. The trial judge, Justice Olubunmi Oyewole (now a Justice of the Court of Appeal), who delivered his judgement on January 11, 2007, found King guilty and sentenced him to 20 years imprisonment for attempted murder. In addition, King got a death sentence for murder. The Court of Appeal backed the death sentence. The Supreme Court, by its supreme judgement on February 26, 2016, supported the supreme sentence of death by hanging.
Murderers are penalised not only for murder; they are also penalised so that others may not become murderers. It is thought-provoking that a report said: “During the first church service after the Supreme Court verdict at the Lagos headquarters at Ajao Estate, Pastor Ifeanyi King, who preached, said: “Our G. O. (General Overseer), the Most Holiness, Rev. King, is coming back. He said he would come back and we believe the words of his mouth. We believe his report that he is coming back. Everything happening now we know is the handiwork of witches and wizards. Soon a new story will emerge.”
Perhaps a new story is emerging, considering the content of the communication to mark King’s latest birthday on February 26. Indeed, King’s promoters need to clarify their claim: “it has been proven beyond measure that you are 100% innocent of the conspiracy levelled against you.”
Curiously, King may live longer than his death sentence intended because, according to a report quoting a Prisons spokesman, there are no fewer than 1,639 inmates awaiting execution. This overpopulation is inexcusable. As long as the death penalty is accommodated by the country’s justice system, there is no justification for keeping condemned convicts waiting. It is unclear how long these death row convicts have been waiting; it is anti-justice for the political authorities to perpetuate their wait.
It is complex enough to arrive at a death decision, and the complexity should not be further complicated by last-minute indecision when it comes to executing the decision. If judges are able to reach a death decision without the interference of extra-judicial considerations, the political authorities should be able to carry out the decision without the hindrance of extra-legal thoughts.
If murder is the ultimate crime and death is the ultimate punishment, then ultimate crime deserves ultimate punishment. It is important to bring closure to this human drama of inhumanity. The longer King is allowed to live after the ultimate judicial decision, the longer it will take to close the murder case.
It is interesting that King’s promoters called him “The man of the moment, every moment and the final moment.” They said emphatically in the birthday communication: “KING FOREVER! LIVE FOREVER!” But it is well known that no man lives forever, particularly a man on death row; and King’s promoters should know that.
What’s the point of a death sentence that is not put into effect? What happened because King has not been hanged could happen again. More things could happen because King has not been hanged. Why has King not been hanged?

The post Rev King: Birthday on death row appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

Those who desperately demonise Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose tend to downplay the reality of the other side of the coin, meaning there may be reasons to lionise him.

Fayose said some things recently that were food for thought. But those who refuse to see any sense in what he says missed the point. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo made a show of the inauguration of his Presidential Library in Abeokuta, Ogun State, on March 4, Fayose said from a distance: “Obasanjo will with a rotten mouth condemn PDP that gave him a platform to be president from prison for eight years. When we saw the picture when Obasanjo was released from prison by General Abdusalami, you would not allow such a man to sit beside you. We were made to pay him N10 million each as governors in 2005 to build his presidential library. I have written to him, return that money o Baba. How can Nigeria celebrate a corrupt man? He is the worst ever. He should put interest in the N10 million that I contributed. His time has come and gone; we are at the centre of the business now.” Fayose described the multibillion Naira library project as “the greatest fraud ever witnessed in Nigeria.”

Contrast Fayose’s unflattering illumination with the flattering decoration by Acting President Yemi Osinbajo whose presence added colour to the event. Osinbajo described Obasanjo as “an African icon.” Osinbajo said: “President Olusegun Obasanjo is therefore a gift in various ways being so intricately tied to the history of Nigeria, few years away from independence to the civil war and then head of state with the Nigerian people and then the transition to civil rule and then from retirement and farming and being twice elected as president of Nigeria and then handed over to another president. At every turn, he recorded his views and perspectives and especially of the times in various books, articles, seminars and now in this amazing monument to add credible life of service to our continent and to our world.”

It is clear that Fayose provided a more clarifying picture, and helped to situate the event more unsentimentally. As a central player in an administration that is passionate about anti-corruption, Osinbajo’s perspective leaves much to be desired. It is understandable that Osinbajo was expected to be diplomatic at the event, but there are times when diplomatic language is carried too far. Fayose’s unadorned account seems to make more sense for public consciousness.

When President Muhammadu Buhari was busy trying to show that he was not so unwell in the United Kingdom as to be uncommunicative, it was Fayose who characteristically suggested a winning communication approach that was likely to reassure a reasonably sceptical Nigerian public. Fayose said in a statement: “I advise the President to speak with me to convince Nigerians that he is hale and hearty instead of looking for outsiders to convince us. If the problem is looking for a credible person to help convince Nigerians, then Ayo Fayose is the best bet. Let the President speak with me. If I tell Nigerians that the President spoke with me, they will believe.”

Fayose added: “Since they are eager for the President to speak to people, let Buhari talk to me. I can be reached on 08035024994. I am credible and Nigerians will believe me. They said he spoke to President Donald Trump; despite the hype, Nigerians were sceptical. Then they said he spoke to the King of Morocco; again, Nigerians were suspicious. Before we recovered from that, it was the AU President. A President that can speak with outsiders should be able to whisper or wave to his own people. The people voted him in and so presidential aides should stop giving the impression that Buhari has no respect for the electorate.”

It is easy to see the amusing side of Fayose without seeing his serious side. That is why those who only see one-dimensionality when they look at him can’t see his other dimensions. This is a character whose words and actions need to be construed creatively.

When Fayose wants to mingle, he does so strikingly and with the enthusiasm of a man who is conscious of personal brand promotion possibilities. Those who criticise him for mingling don’t seem to appreciate his personal branding efforts. When he is photographed with lowly locals playing the role of a good mixer and de-emphasising his gubernatorial status, his ready critics reduce his interaction with the people to the point of absurdity. It would appear that other governors may project populism but not Fayose, simply because of the peculiarity of his populism.

It is impossible to escape a superlative adjective for the emphatic success Fayose of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) achieved in the Ekiti State governorship election of June 21, 2014. His victory was fantabulous. By his spectacular emergence, he apparently demonstrated the actuality of his self-definition. Days to the historic election, he said in an interview: “You cannot take away the fact that I am a recurring decimal in the political equation of Ekiti State. You can’t take that away from me. You cannot equally deny that I am a grassroots person.”

It is observable that the All Progressives Congress (APC), which Fayose defeated to become governor, has not recovered from his sucker punch. Those on the other side continue to respond to his administration with emotionally charged criticisms. It is worth mentioning that domestic observers and foreign monitors endorsed the election that brought Fayose to power, employing terms that left little or no room for antagonism, such as “free,” “fair,” “transparent,” “peaceful” and “credible.”

Fayose’s quotable quotes during an event to mark the 2017 International Women’s Day in Ekiti State on March 8 gave an insight into why he says the things he says in the way he does. He said: “They say I talk anyhow. Why do they behave anyhow?” His words also provided useful insight into why he mingles. Fayose said: “The power of the people is greater than those of us in power.” It goes without saying that the country would be a much better place if those in power grasp the reality that power belongs to the people.

The post Fayose: The other side of the coin appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

Well-rounded governance is an expression of well-rounded thinking. In a striking demonstration of the possibilities of political governance, Lagos State Governor Akinwunmi Ambode continues to raise the bar for cultural thinking in political office.
Ambode’s latest cultural statement, the presentation of Museum Possibilities and the unveiling of the design for a new world-class museum at the Eko Hotels and Suites, Lagos, on March 6, reflects a heightened cultural consciousness. He said, “Every society must cherish its historical antecedents because they serve as source of inspiration for succeeding generations to discover, appreciate and take pride in their identity. It has become very imperative that we take a step back and revisit our history. It has become important that we renew efforts to preserve and protect our history and historical artefacts.”
He also said, “In addition, the Lagos House also in Marina will be transformed into the Lagos Historical Centre. The JK Randle Arcade will be remodelled into a world-class recreation/tourism centre. The New Museum will complement and be an important part of the structures being planned for this axis. We intend to regenerate this axis and the museum into an iconic structure that will invoke deep sense of pride in all Nigerians.”
It takes a thinking political administrator to grasp the cultural dimension of the pursuit of socio-economic development. Ambode continued: “This is the new possibility that is being presented to all stakeholders in the tourism sector and all Nigerians. On our part, our commitment is unshaken and we are eager to make this dream a reality within the shortest possible time. Given the megacity status of our state, we believe this is the right way to go in order to optimally harness the state’s tourism potential for wealth creation and sustainable growth.”
It is remarkable that Ambode, whose Accounting background perhaps makes him an unlikely cultural enthusiast, has been able to show that there is no room for narrow-mindedness in governance. There is no doubt that he has brought a breath of fresh air to the breadth of gubernatorial view.
A further reflection of Ambode’s culture-conscious governance is the publicised collaboration of his administration with the Federal Government towards the renewal of the National Theatre, Lagos. The development is a definite positive for the country’s cultural sphere, particularly because the National Theatre was a subject of negative speculation during the past era of the Goodluck Jonathan presidency when the idea of selling it seemed to be the ruling idea.
It is an interesting coincidence that the determined moves to redevelop the National Theatre are happening in its 40th year. The architectural masterpiece, which has a revered history and represents unquantifiable cultural value, is unforgettable as the venue of the 2nd World Black Festival of Arts and Culture (FESTAC) held in 1977. It is a shame that the theatre complex was neglected and allowed to deteriorate to the point where a critical intervention is now required for its restoration. No doubt, a restored National Theatre will enhance the country’s cultural attractions. In particular, it will raise the bar for cultural production and consumption in Lagos, and reignite nightlife in the megacity that is the country’s developmental pacesetter.
Talking of theatres, it is dramatic that the Ambode administration is building six new theaters which are expected to be completed before the end of the year. Ambode’s cultural focus shows that his understanding of “needs in the society” is not narrow and simplistic. When the theatres take shape, their presence will mark a cultural reinvention that may well inspire a cultural revolution. Certainly, a megacity deserves thriving cultural centres that will raise the bar for cultural production and consumption. The beauty of Ambode’s cultural imagination is the promise of civilisation. It is undeniable that cultural production and consumption have a potentially civilising influence. It is this core value that the new theatres are expected to bring to Lagos life.
Cultural logic also inspired the reinvention of the storied Tinubu Square on Lagos Island under the Ambode administration. Ambode’s remarks at the unveiling of the renewed site reflected historical and aesthetic consciousness: “The decision to renovate this monument was informed by the need to upgrade it to a level that befits the status of Lagos Central Business District. It is part of the plan of this administration to develop the Marina and Onikan axis to world-class tourist destinations.”
Regarded as one of the most-visited attractions in Lagos, Tinubu Square occupies a 2000-square metre space said to have been donated to the British colonial administration by Madam Tinubu. A report said “the structure that was built on the land was the Court of Assizes,” which was replaced by “a tourist water fountain donated by the Lebanese Community in Nigeria to commemorate Nigeria’s independence from British rule in 1960.”
Ambode painted a portrait: “This magnificent monument was erected in memory of a valiant woman, Madam Efunroye Tinubu, the first Iyalode of Egbaland and one of the greatest merchants of colonial Lagos. It is a celebration of her exploits in the business world and contribution to the foremost status to which our state has attained in the world of commerce.” He promised that “historical monuments such as this will continue to be given a facelift.”
By paying attention to cultural production and consumption, Ambode has shown a holistic approach to governance. It stands to reason that a megacity needs mega governance. The status of Lagos as a megacity is a reason for mega governance. Nigeria’s megacity in 2015 was listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities and credited with an unofficial population figure of “approximately 21 million.” Of course, a megacity has to grapple with mega challenges. Megacity challenges include slums, crime, homelessness, traffic congestion and environmental pollution. It is noteworthy that Ambode continues to respond to these challenges with mega capacity.
Cultural governance is usually overlooked by leaders whose idea of political governance is strictly one-dimensional; or it is downplayed to a level of insignificance. This is why Ambode is an exemplary political player in this regard, particularly because his impressive cultural interventions have happened in less than two years at the helm. It takes a cultured mind to think culturally. Ambode deserves a garland for services to culture.

The post Ambode’s cultural logic appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

It isn’t trivial that the controversial Comptroller-General of Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), Colonel Hameed Ali (retd), continues to trivialise the uniform of the agency by his unyielding refusal to wear it. From the look of things, Ali is unlikely to wear the relevant uniform during his time as Customs chief. He enjoys the status, but it would appear that he is contemptuous of the uniform that reflects the status.

Ali seems to have come to the job with a superiority complex, thinking and believing that his background as a retired army officer means it is beneath him to wear the uniform of an organisation he rates as inferior to the Army, even if he happens to be the boss. Of course, there is a uniform that goes with the office and rank of Customs CG, and that uniform is supposed to project the agency, and its boss, who may be said to be the face of the organisation.

Ali showed his mindset during a February 2 interaction with the Senate Committee on Customs and Excise concerning a proposed bill to restructure the NCS. A report said: “A member of the committee, Senator Obinna Ogba, demanded to know why Col Ali as Customs CG still appears in and wears mufti close to two years after his appointment. The Ebonyi Central Senator noted that the continuous appearance of Col Ali in mufti several months after his appointment appears to be ‘highly demoralising to officers and men of the front-line revenue generating agency.’ Ali fired back, saying that as a former military officer, tradition does not permit him to wear any other uniform.”

When another member of the committee, Senator Dino Melaye, recalled that Halidu Hananiya, a retired Army General, wore the uniform of the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC) as its Corps Marshall, Ali reportedly “told the committee that Gen. Hananiya made a fundamental mistake by wearing FRSC uniform.” It is food for thought that a retired Colonel suggested that he was more professionally conscious than a retired General.

It is interesting that Ali’s position provoked Senator Ogba to the point that he “angrily walked out of the session.” The report said: “While walking out of the hearing room, Ogba retorted “this is how you people keep on deceiving Nigerians on wrong action and still defend it.”

Ali’s stance is indefensible. It exposed his complex; it also complexified the uncomplicated. If Ali thinks he is too big to wear the uniform of Customs CG, but does not think he is too big to be Customs CG, then he needs to be encouraged to rethink. Hopefully, he won’t think he is too big to have a rethink.

Whether Ali can be compelled to wear the Customs uniform is not the issue. So, the dramatic divergence between the Senate and Ali on the matter, which has attracted public attention and has been compounded by other matters, is a drama of distraction.

It is interesting that activist lawyer Femi Falana entered the fray with the argument that Ali “can’t be compelled to appear in uniform.” Falana said in a statement: “The Senate engaged in another illegality when it exceeded its powers by asking the CGC to appear before it in customs uniform. Neither the Constitution, nor the Rules of Procedure of the Senate has conferred on it the power to compel the CGC to wear customs uniform when he is not a serving customs officer. Indeed, the directive is a reckless usurpation of the powers of the Board which is the only competent body to decide on the wearing of uniform by customs officers. In many countries, including South Africa, customs officers do not wear uniforms. It is on record that the first four heads of the Customs department in Nigeria never wore uniforms.”

Falana continued his argument:”With respect to the customs service, its officers are required to wear uniforms in accordance with Section 8 of the Customs Excise and Preventive Service Regulations which provides that “clothing and equipment shall be of such pattern and worn in such manner as the Board shall determine.” The suit challenging the legal validity of Col. Hameed Ali’s appointment has been dismissed on the ground that the President has the power to appoint a non-customs officer to head the customs service. Since a competent court has held that he is not a customs officer, Col. Ali cannot be made to wear any uniform by the Senate. If I am said to be wrong, I challenge the Senate to refer to any law that supports the wearing of uniform by the head of the customs service who is not a serving customs officer.”

The question is not whether Falana is right or wrong. This issue is beyond what the law says; it is about brand logic. If the Customs is seen as a brand, it follows that its head should be seen to be projecting and promoting the brand. If Ali is the face of the organisation, not wearing the organisation’s uniform, or more specifically, trivialising what represents the organisation’s brand identity, amounts to doing a disservice to the brand.

Ali does not need to be compelled to wear the uniform of the organisation he heads, or pressured into embracing the brand by wearing the uniform that defines it. Wearing the Customs uniform should be a matter of duty for Ali; it is a commonsensical approach to organisation governance.

Beyond the sound and fury that have characterised the public debate over Ali’s refusal to wear the Customs uniform, the heart of the matter is that Ali, by his stance, continues to exhibit a narrow understanding of organisation governance and the logic of organisation cohesion.

The question may be asked: What will it cost Ali to wear the Customs uniform? To put it another way: What has Ali got to lose by wearing the Customs uniform? He may indeed have more to gain because it would show that he is a thinking man who can rethink things, which may make him a right-thinking man.

The post Uniform question appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

When a domestic storm becomes undomesticated and turns into a public show, it is sure to grip public attention and imagination. This is the case with the legal case involving Mrs. Taiwo Obasanjo who has asked a Lagos High Court to stop her son’s wedding scheduled for May 11 and 12. She filed a suit against former President Olusegun Obasanjo, the father of the husband-to-be, and Sir Kessington Adebutu, popularly known as Baba Ijebu, the father of the bride-to-be.

A report said: “Mrs. Obasanjo, who is the twin sister of Chief Kenny Martins, the former coordinator of the Police Equipment Fund, is seeking for a postponement of the wedding of her son to Tope Adebutu till after June 30…Mrs. Obasanjo is seeking a declaration that as the mother of the groom, she has parental rights to take part in the deliberations, decisions and activities leading to the forthcoming ceremony. She claimed that wedding invitations have been issued without her knowledge. The groom’s mother averred that she has been excluded from all the preparations for the upcoming ceremony.”

Additional information: “She claimed to have received prophesies and spiritual warnings that Olujonwo should not engage in any elaborate celebration before his birthday, which is two weeks after the wedding, to avoid any impending calamity.” Olujonwo will be 34 on June 1.

More information: “Mrs. Obasanjo stated that she filed the suit to compel Adebutu and Obasanjo to shift the wedding to a date beyond June 30. She also claims that she appealed to Adebutu, the mother of the bride, Mrs. Rosemary Dacosta, the bride as well as her twin brother. Mrs. Obasanjo said her pleas fell on deaf ears but was instead, insulted by members of the family.” The suit has been fixed for hearing on April 10 before Justice Lateefa Okunnu, and Obasanjo and Kensington are yet to file a reply.

When I got the news, my mind went to my interaction with Mrs. Obasanjo a few days before a prayer programme she held on March 12 at Dike Hall, Air Force Officers Mess, Victoria Island, Lagos. She had come to The Nation headquarters at Matori, Lagos, to see a contact and I happened to be around. I had met her a few times in the same contact’s office. On this particular day, in that same office, she went into a long talk about her prayer project. I eventually managed to get away to attend to production matters.

I was in my office, racing to meet production deadline, when her contact’s aide brought her to me. She needed publicity for her event and her contact asked his aide to bring her to my office. It was tough trying to focus on my work and her talk about her project at the same time. It was less than a week to her prayer programme, and she was interested in spreading the information through the major newspapers. She wanted to have the names of useful contacts in specific newspaper companies. I took her to someone in the news room who could be of help to her.

She gave me some copies of printed material that served as an invitation to her event, which she tagged “Prayer Summit.” She said in the invitation: “As a concerned citizen, mother and a passionate lover of peaceful bonding and unity and good progress for all…I, Mrs. Taiwo Obasanjo (ex-wife to Daddy OBJ) humbly and respectfully invite you to a “national family prayer” of humble and genuine repentance before the Almighty God.

She also said: “It is a gathering of sincere humble repentant souls with a change of heart for worthy existence. Let us join together to be a formidable, bold, truthful, courageous, respectful, honourable, caring, selfless, honest gathering with a sincere heart of genuine repentance to live and implement “The agenda of the Almighty God” for our nation and the world.”

She added: “To bond together to live and promote peace, unity, honesty, love, justice, welfare for all and to deliberately expel hatred, division, killing, bloodshed, greed, sectionalism and religious intolerance from our nation and the world. Thank you and God bless you mightily as you attend.” The “Convener” emphasised: “Not Government Sponsored.”

A report quoted her as saying at the event: “God is ready to heal our land and change the pain. God wants to change our situation and make everything new. He loves and is interested in Nigeria. He is not giving up on us. God is ready to have mercy on Nigeria and forgive us all our sins, after which restoration will come. But we must be ready to repent of our sins.”

This background is useful in situating Mrs. Obasanjo’s grounds for seeking a postponement of her son’s wedding with Tope Adebutu. Her position, which is based on “prophesies and spiritual warnings,” can be appreciated only from a mystical angle. Indeed, it requires a metaphysical leap to grasp her metaphysics.

It is too easy to disregard her position, without regard for the other side of the coin. It is too easy to dismiss her spiritual context, without considering the possibility of a non-material context. It is too easy to be world-conscious, without a consciousness of otherworldly spheres. What if Mrs. Obasanjo’s position has credibility?

Apart from the supernatural dimension of the matter, the maternal question deserves contemplation. It is unclear why the mother of the husband-to-be was allegedly treated so contemptuously by other stakeholders in the wedding project. But her maternal reality remains unassailable, and that should count in her favour. Of course, this does not mean, and cannot mean, unchallengeable entitlement.

This domestic matter should not have developed into a storm. Perhaps it would not have become stormy if all the stakeholders were more focused on the destination, and less focused on the route. The central goal is the wedding, meaning dates can be considered and reconsidered.

It is food for thought that people at such great heights were unable to manage a situation that should have been well-managed to avoid a crisis point, which is where things seem to be right now.

The post A mother’s metaphysics appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

Long before Lagos became a megacity famed for its remarkable resilience, a mega figure did mega things to advance its development and the progress of Nigeria. Herbert Macaulay, widely acknowledged as the ‘Father of Nigerian Nationalism’, made his exit almost 71 years ago on May 7, 1946, at age 81, but his spirit is energetically alive.

As Lagos State celebrates its 50th anniversary, which will climax on May 27, it is curious that Herbert Macaulay is not on the front burner. Without doubt, he belongs to the category of all-time greats. It is noteworthy that Herbert Macaulay is generally associated with the spirit of Lagos. Indeed, his history is inextricably connected with Lagos history and the history of Nigeria.

It is thought-provoking that the year-long celebration of Lagos at 50 has no space for Herbert Macaulay, which is a reflection of how the present tends to obscure the past, although the past is part of the present. To see the past in the present requires presence of mind as well as a keen appreciation of history and historical progression. In other words, it may be said that the reality of today cannot be separated from the reality of yesterday.

To underline the relevance of Herbert Macaulay and his indisputable place in the context of the Lagos festivities, it is worth highlighting his celebration in drama. It is testimony to Herbert Macaulay’s stature and his role in Lagos history that Prof. Akinwunmi Isola considered it fitting to write a 2009 play titled Herbert Macaulay and the Spirit of Lagos. It is heart-warming that this play was staged as Convocation Play on March 20 by the Department of Theatre Arts and Music, Lagos State University (LASU), as part of the institution’s “21st Convocation Ceremonies.”

But this play deserves a bigger stage and a bigger audience. This is the story that Isola retells: “The governor quarrels with the Eleko over many developmental problems and decides to banish him. Herbert Macaulay, supported by some concerned Lagosians, coordinates a relentless agitation. The success of that spirit is recorded in the monumental judgment of the Privy Council in favour of Lagosians which culminated in the triumphal return of the Eleko to Lagos from Oyo where he served his banishment.”

Herbert Macaulay was born in Lagos on November 14, 1864. His father, Rev Thomas Babington Macaulay, was the founder and first principal of the CMS Grammar School, Lagos, established in 1859. His mother, Abigail Macaulay, was the daughter of Bishop Ajayi Crowther, the illustrious 19th century cleric who in 1864 was ordained as the first African bishop of the Anglican Church at a ceremony in England.

Herbert Macaulay studied Civil Engineering in Britain. He qualified as a civil engineer in 1893, and he is recognised as the first Nigerian with such a professional qualification. He proudly attached the letters C.E. (Civil Engineer) to his name, and also practiced as an architect.

In 1923, he launched the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), regarded as the first political party in Nigeria, following the amendment of the Nigerian Constitution in 1922, which allowed elected representatives for the Legislative Council and also created a municipal council in Lagos. The NNDP dominated the political space for many years, and Herbert Macaulay, who was known as Mr. Democratic Party on account of his pivotal position in the party, earned the unchallenged appellation ‘Leader of Nigerian Politics.’ When the political situation took a new turn and the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) successfully challenged the dominance of the NNDP, Herbert Macaulay’s patriotic spirit promoted inter-party cooperation as a necessity in the struggle for political freedom. The formation of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) in 1944 led to a political merger that saw Herbert Macaulay emerge as the party’s first President.

In 1927, Herbert Macaulay and his friend, John Akinlade Caulcrick, a medical doctor and politician, bought The Lagos Daily News, a newspaper founded in 1925 by Victor Babamuboni, a Lagos bookseller and printer. Herbert Macaulay was an intense monitor of the issues of the day, and expressed his views vigorously in pamphlets and newspaper articles. For instance, he criticised the government’s policy on the liquor trade, the water-rate scheme, the plan to build a separate church for white government officials, and the press law, among others.

Herbert Macaulay’s pamphlet in 1908 criticising the Lagos Railway prompted Governor Egerton to propose a law that would restrict the press. The pamphlet, titled ‘Governor Egerton and the Railway,’ focused on corruption among white officials of the Railway. The power of the pamphlet drew attention to Herbert Macaulay. He also regularly launched attacks on the colonial administration through critical newspaper articles.

Herbert Macaulay fought various battles against the British colonial government. He was an anti-colonial combatant by conviction and choice, for he could have followed the comfortable path of collaboration with the colonialists if he wished. His background and education placed him among the elite of Lagos society. He actually belonged to the circle from which the colonial government nominated African representatives to the Legislative Council.

But Herbert Macaulay was not the personality-type that appealed to the British administration, which regarded him as too principled, too critical, too independent, too bold and too assertive.

In style and manners, Herbert Macaulay was so polished that the people of Lagos referred to him as Oyinbo Alawodudu (white man in black skin). He was noted for his handle-bar moustache, well-cut suits and long bow ties. He described his moustache and bow tie as “parallel and inseparable.” He was known as ‘The Wizard of Kirsten Hall.’

But Herbert Macaulay was a striking grassroots politician. He played important roles in the celebrated Apapa Land Case as well as the equally celebrated Eleko case, which ended in favour of indigenous interests and gave a big boost to his image as a champion of justice. Herbert Macaulay was known as ‘Champion and Defender of Native Rights and Liberties.’ No other politician of his time could match his rapport with the common people. For instance, he cultivated the friendship of Madam Alimotu Pelewura, the powerful leader of the Lagos Market Women’s Association, and could easily count upon the support of thousands of market women in Lagos. The masses composed songs in honour of Herbert Macaulay.

A July 1931 edition of West Africa painted a pen portrait of Herbert Macaulay: “He has a voice and a laugh which would be passports anywhere. The quickness, the energy, the comprehensiveness, with which he can write an article – or a book, if need be – or make a speech, or organise a demonstration, are incredible.”

At Herbert Macaulay’s funeral in Lagos, Nnamdi Azikiwe, who succeeded him as NCNC leader, referred to him as “my political father.” Azikwe said in a graveside oration: “He has left an imperishable legacy, the struggle for the attainment of social equality, economic security, religious tolerance and political freedom.” This struggle continues today.

This is the giant whose spirit deserves to be invoked as Lagos turns 50. Perhaps something can still be done.

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History is here and deserves a welcome. The journey to this juncture took 50 years. The journey will continue, but this is time to take a look back at the beginning and to look forward to unending continuity.
It is symbolic that the year-long celebration of the 50th anniversary of Lagos State, which will climax on May 27, was re-energised for the last 50 days of the festivities. By the logic of history, the story of the state’s journey from 1967 is also the story of its journey to 1967.
Two realities define Lagos today: its megacity status and its remarkable resilience. It is noteworthy that Lagos was in 2015 listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities. Evidently, a megacity needs mega governance because it has to grapple with mega challenges. In the light of its status-related difficulties, Lagos also needs mega resilience. Indeed, its recognition as an important resilient city is evidence of the extent of its resilience.
If resilience is elasticity to manage change, then the inclusion of Lagos State in the circle of 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), a project of the U.S.-based Rockefeller Foundation, is a testimony to the administrative adroitness of the Akinwunmi Ambode administration. This definition by the organisation gives an insight into the nature of resilience: “Urban resilience is the capacity of individuals, communities, institutions, businesses, and systems within a city to survive, adapt, and grow no matter what kinds of chronic stresses and acute shocks they experience.”
As Governor of Lagos State at a historically significant point in time when the state is celebrating its 50th anniversary, Ambode is particularly positioned to manage its colourful complexity. ”Being a part of the network of 100RC comes at a good time when our state is hoping to join the leading city-states of the world. We are open to new ideas, new technology and new methods,” Ambode had declared while receiving the 100RC Certificate of Admission at the Renaissance Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos, on February 7. The 100 Resilient Cities include places in Africa, U.S.A., South America, Europe, Asia and Middle East.
A report said: “President of 100 Resilient Cities, Mr. Michael Berkowitz, said out of the over 1,000 applications received and three rounds of selection process, Lagos was chosen for its innovative leadership, infrastructural strides and influential status not just in Africa but in the world.” In reality, a city’s resilience is driven by its Chief Resilience Manager. In the case of Lagos, Ambode’s gubernatorial role makes him the chief driver.
On the eve of the 100RC event, Ambode had focused on the challenges of urbanisation at the 14th Annual Lecture of the Centre for Values in Leadership (CVL) held at Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos. Ambode had observed: “The issues lying at the heart of urban policy making in any city, old or new, developed or developing, include infrastructure, employment, population growth, economic sustainability and environmental viability. In addition to these, there are the classic urban challenges of overcrowding, unplanned and chaotic growth, insufficient provision of municipal services, from policing to healthcare to education to electricity and sewage – all of which are top of the agenda in many African cities.”
He continued: “There is perhaps no better classic example of where these challenges of rapid urbanisation come to life than in Lagos. It is estimated that 86 immigrants enter Lagos every hour -the highest in any city in the world – and they have no plans to leave… This ever increasing population of the state however means that we have to be “on our toes” to provide facilities for this more than 23 million population.”
At this point in its evolution, the centrality of a capable resilience manager cannot be overemphasised; and with Ambode at the helm, the signs are that the megalopolis will continue to survive and thrive. The rhythm of resilience is the rhythm of dynamism; and only the dynamic remain resilient. Less than two years in office, Ambode is impressively focused on remodelling Lagos and making it a model megalopolis. It is a reflection of the city’s resilience that the country’s other states cannot resist applauding Ambode’s governance model.
There is no question that Lagos @ 50 is a special anniversary and deserves a special celebration. It may be said that Ambode’s position makes him the chief celebrator. The 53-year-old governor is not only at the centre of the show; he is central to the show. It is interesting that Ambode, born on June 14, 1963, was just three years old when the state was created in May 1967.
When all former governors of the state join Governor Ambode for a special state executive council session on May 24 to mark the golden jubilee, the presence of 81-year-old Mobolaji Johnson, a retired Nigerian Army Brigadier and former military governor of Lagos State from May 1967 to July 1975, will reinforce the historic celebration. Johnson, the state’s first governor, represents a beginning; Ambode represents a broadening of that beginning. It is food for thought, and a reflection of the course of the journey, that Johnson was a military governor under military rule, while Ambode is a democratically elected governor.
Lagos Carnival, scheduled for May 13, is an important part of the last lap. The unique Eyo Festival, last held five years ago, will happen again on May 20. The grand finale on May 27 coincides with Children’s Day 2017 in Nigeria, and the major events include “a photo exhibition and the unveiling of a special coffee table book that captures the essence of Lagos through the lens of 50 accomplished photographers.”
How much of history can be packed into a celebration of history? Perhaps providing an answer to this question has been a significant challenge to the organisers of the celebration. Even as the festivities approach the finishing line, the question of what more should have been done, and the question of what more could still be done, remain relevant.
Where will Lagos be 50 years from now? As Lagos turns 50, this is a logical question. The answer is unfolding, and Governor Ambode’s applaudable performance is part of the answer.

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Rich tributes enriched the 60th birthday of Africa’s richest man, Aliko Dangote, on April 10, but there was no publicised striking philanthropic gesture by the Nigerian billionaire businessman to mark the milestone.

At the helm of the Dangote Group, “which has interests in commodities,” Dangote is well rated among the world’s super-rich giants. He is the 67th richest person in the world and the richest in Africa, according to the rankings by Forbes, the influential US-based international magazine. His many-sided company “operates in Nigeria and other African countries, including Benin, Ethiopia, Senegal, Cameroon, Ghana, South Africa, Togo, Tanzania, and Zambia.” Dangote became “the world’s richest person of African descent” in 2013, and was the 23rd richest person in the world in 2014. The Forbes list of the top 10 richest Nigerians in 2017 puts his net worth at US $12.5 billion.

If “Money is the medium by which earthly success is measured,” Dangote is indeed a huge earthly success. The quoted definition of money can be found in The Richest Man in Babylon, a bestseller by George Samuel Clason.

It is thought-provoking that Nigeria’s richest man comes from Kano State in the country’s “most backward” region. The Emir of Kano, Muhammad Sanusi, painted a picture of the region’s backwardness in an April 14 speech to mark the third anniversary of the outrageous abduction of over 200 Chibok schoolgirls by Islamist insurgents in 2014. It is sad that most of these girls have not been brought back.

Sanusi said: “I recently gave a speech in which I said the North-East and North-West of Nigeria are the poorest parts of the country. This simple statement of fact has generated so much heat the noise is yet to die down. But what really are the facts?”

Sanusi continued: “…the South-West of Nigeria has less than 20% of its population living in poverty while the North-West has more that 80% of its population living in poverty. In the North-East the figure is 76.8%. Over 90% of the people in Yobe and Zamfara States are living in poverty compared to 8.5% in Lagos and around 11% in Osun and Anambra states.”

Further information: “According to published research: Over 70.8% of women in North-West are unable to read and write compared to 9.7% in the South-East zone; More than 2/3 of 15-19 -year- old girls in the North are unable to read a single sentence compared to less than 10% in the South; In 8 northern states, over 80% of the women are unable to read and write; Only 4% of females complete Secondary schools in Northern Nigeria; 78% of adolescent girls are in marriages in the North-West, 68% in the North-East and 35% in the North-Central-these numbers clearly mirroring the poorest regions in the country. The statistics in the other zones are 18% in SS, 17% in the SW and 10% in the SE.”

Where does Dangote enter the picture? Well, he did nothing significant on his 60th birthday that reflected an awareness of his region’s crisis. Hear Sanusi: “We have a problem. In fact, we have an existential crisis. And all of us in this country, politicians, intellectuals, Emirs and traditional rulers, religious leaders, businesses, NGOs have to come together to solve this.”

To be fair, when in May 2016 Dangote made a donation of N2 billion to internally displaced persons (IDPs), he also made a powerful statement by his example. Apart from being the single largest donation by an individual, what Dangote gave reflected his appreciation of the enormity of the humanitarian crisis caused by terrorism. This exemplary humanitarian response was reinforced by Dangote’s presence. It was a demonstration of empathy that communicated the humanity of Nigeria’s and Africa’s richest man. He was touring IDP camps in Dalori and Bakassi in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, when he announced his relief package which he said would be delivered through the Dangote Foundation.

But prosperity comes with a social burden; the bigger the prosperity of the individual, the bigger the burden of social giving towards social development.

Perhaps the most enlightening demonstration of this important implication is the thinking that produced the idea for The Giving Pledge launched in June 2010 by the world’s richest man, Bill Gates, worth US$86 billion in 2017, and wife Melinda, in association with super-rich Warren Buffet. It is a remarkably ethical “effort to help address society’s most pressing problems by inviting the world’s wealthiest individuals and families to commit to giving more than half of their wealth to philanthropy or charitable causes either during their lifetime or in their will.”

The beauty of the pledge is that it represents no more than a moral commitment and it is volitional. By April 2011, 69 billionaires had reportedly joined the campaign and pledged to give 50% or more of their wealth to support philanthropic causes. A year later, the campaign had attracted more of the elite rich and a report said “81 billionaires committed to giving at least half of their fortunes to charity.” According to a report, “As of August 2015, 137 billionaire or former billionaire individuals or couples have signed the pledge.” Most of them are, like Buffett and Gates, American citizens. Considering America’s rich status, it speaks volumes for the enduring relevance of a giving philosophy driven by social responsibility that the original promoters of the pledge were prosperous Americans.

It is noteworthy that there is an annual UN-endorsed International Day of Charity on September 5. Hungarian Csaba Korosi in a speech he gave at the UN on benevolent giving in the social context said: “Charity can alleviate the worst effects of humanitarian crises, supplement public services in health care delivery, education, housing, and child protection. It assists the advancement of culture, science, sports, and natural heritage.”

It is popular to argue for speaking truth to power. What about speaking truth to the power of money? The Giving Pledge is built on the socially influenced and socially influential logic of giving back to society. It suggests that demanding measurable social responsibility from the super rich is not necessarily inspired by a sense of entitlement; but there is a sense in which it is a social entitlement. It does not need to be imposed because it is properly self-imposing.

In the final analysis, Dangote’s 60th birthday was a big occasion that he could have used, and should have used, to make a big statement on the social purpose of personal prosperity.

The post Poverty of prosperity appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

There is a certain defensiveness that could pass for denialism. Before our very eyes, President Muhammadu Buhari appears to be facing a life-threatening health challenge. It is a season of creative euphemisms employed by the president’s defenders to downplay the evidence of reality.

A picture of things as they are was presented by Olalekan Adetayo and Bayo Akinloye in an April 23 Punch report: “Fresh anxiety is mounting over the state of health of President Muhammadu Buhari, who returned to the country on March 10 after a 49-day medical sojourn in London, United Kingdom. The 74-year-old Nigerian leader was only seen in public once throughout last week, when he joined other Muslim faithful for a Juma’at service on Friday at a mosque located near his office inside the Presidential Villa, Abuja. The service lasted less than one hour after which Buhari returned to his residence. Before Friday’s brief appearance, the last time he was seen in public was penultimate Friday when he attended the same service at the same venue. Presidency sources attributed the president’s continuous non-appearance at public events to his ailing health and the need to take further rest.”

The report continued: “One of our correspondents reported that, although some government officials were reported to have met with Buhari in his office during the week to update him on developments in their ministries, no photographs or video recordings of such encounters were made available by the Presidency, which was contrary to the usual practice. Although the government officials spoke with reporters after their separate meetings with the president, the absence of such photographs and video recordings raised doubts as to whether, indeed, the government officials met with the president.”

This representation of reality landed the newspaper’s Presidential Villa watcher Adetayo in the soup as he was robotically expelled from Aso Rock by Buhari’s Chief Security Officer (CSO), Bashir Abubakar. The revolting reaction has been reversed, but it is thought-provoking that Buhari’s Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Femi Adesina, tweeted: “We weren’t consulted in the media office by the CSO before he expelled the Punch reporter. President Buhari is committed to press freedom.” If this is true, then it would suggest that the president and his CSO are not necessarily on the same page when it comes to non-negotiable respect for press freedom. If that is the case, it is curious that this CSO is still the CSO.

The defensive game took a less physical dimension with a response by Buhari’s Senior Special Assistant on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, to rising public criticism of the president’s serial absence from the regular meetings of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) which he is supposed to chair. After another non-appearance by Buhari on April 26, Shehu said in a statement: “As eager as he is to be up and about, the president’s doctors have advised on his taking things slowly, as he fully recovers from the long period of treatment in the United Kingdom some weeks ago. President Buhari himself, on his return to the country, made Nigerians aware of the state of his health while he was in London. Full recovery is sometimes a slow process, requiring periods of rest and relaxation, as the Minister for Information, Lai Mohammed, intimated in his press briefing after the FEC meeting on Wednesday.”

Shehu added: “Despite his lack of visibility, Nigerians should rest assured that President Buhari has not abdicated his role as Commander-in-Chief of the Nigeria Armed Forces. He receives daily briefings on the activities of government, and confers regularly with his Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo. His private residence, where he has been spending the majority of his time recently, has a fully equipped office.” A question may be asked: If the president can work from home, does he really need another office outside his home?

There are those who argue that Buhari’s poor health is bad enough to necessitate his resignation. Apparently, Buhari himself does not think so. Also, his loyalists do not think so. But the truth cannot be denied. To go by appearances, President Buhari is in bad shape. This perhaps explains the observation that the Presidency seems reluctant to share photos and videos of his alleged recent meetings with government functionaries “contrary to the usual practice.”

If pictures are more graphic than words, it is easy to understand why the Presidency is sticking to words in conveying Buhari’s health condition. Pictures would tell it all; and Buhari’s defenders don’t want telling images.

How long can the game last? Sooner or later, it will be so glaring that Buhari’s bad health cannot allow him to perform. What will happen when the country comes to the point that is beyond denial?

It is interesting to observe the thinking of the opposition on this issue. The chairman of the Caretaker Committee of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ahmed Makarfi, was quoted as saying: “My take is that if the president is not fully fit to stay in office, it is better that he tell Nigerians, so that the vice president will continue to be Acting President, exercising the powers of acting president. For a number of reasons, the PDP wishes the president well, for stability of this country, political stability, and the fact that we want to defeat a sitting president. We don’t want any confusion politically in this country. “

This is agenda-setting thinking. Why must Buhari remain in office if his health does not permit it? To suggest that there will be “confusion politically” if Buhari is not well enough to continue in office is to insist that he must remain in office even if his health condition does not allow it.

Living in denial happens; so does dying in denial. A denial is a denial, and a denialist is a denialist. It remains to be seen whether denialism can resolve Buhari’s undeniable health condition and its undeniable implications.

It is a critical juncture in the country’s progression, and the country’s progress may suffer retrogression just because of the president’s ill health and the denialism of the president and his defenders. .

The post Living and dying in denial appeared first on The Nation Nigeria.

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